Download Arms Control [2 volumes]: History, Theory, and Policy by Robert E. Williams Jr. PDF

By Robert E. Williams Jr.

Set opposed to a backdrop of terrorism, rogue states, non-conventional conflict, and deteriorating international relations, this encyclopedia bargains a accomplished, multidisciplinary, up to date reference at the contemporary heritage and modern perform of fingers keep watch over and nonproliferation.

• 30 illustrations and photos

• Sidebars together with short biographical profiles and quotations

• Charts and graphs

• basic files

• Timelines

• thesaurus and record of acronyms

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Additional resources for Arms Control [2 volumes]: History, Theory, and Policy

Sample text

It was also suggested that many forms of arms control intrude on a state’s autonomy. It follows that, other things being equal, the less intrusive a form of arms control is, the more likely a state will adopt or accept it. Entirely unilateral measures that do not require any reciprocal or parallel steps by other states (for instance, controls to prevent the accidental firing of a nuclear weapon) should be the easiest for a state to adopt. Not only would such a unilateral step be more acceptable, it would also have the virtue of being more readily discarded if this were to seem necessary.

They should be easier to develop than elaborate formal agreements, particularly those for which substantial verification is involved. A further application of the assumptions involves returning to the four stages in which arms control measures work: development, deployment, decision to use, and force being used. Generally speaking, the degree of intrusiveness involved declines as one goes down the list. For example, limits at the development stage involve a greater sacrifice of state autonomy, including the elimination of military options those forces would have provided, than limits on deployments.

That is, the assumption seems a better fit for purposes of discussing states’ national security behavior than it would be for analyzing their interactions on economic matters, scientific knowledge, or communications and cultural affairs. It remains the common view in the field that when it comes to security and related military activities, the world is still dangerously anarchical, and that states often seem more resistant to encroachments on their autonomy in this area than in others. A final consideration is that the point of initial assumptions is not to capture reality in all its detail but to abstract from it in a strategic simplification that permits us to devise a useful theory.

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