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By Michael Stewart Foley

Laying off mild on a misunderstood kind of competition to the Vietnam conflict, Michael Foley tells the tale of draft resistance, the innovative of the antiwar move on the top of the war's escalation. in contrast to so-called draft dodgers, who left the rustic or manipulated deferments, draft resisters overtly defied draft legislation by way of burning or handing over their draft playing cards. Like civil rights activists sooner than them, draft resisters invited prosecution and imprisonment. concentrating on Boston, one of many movement's so much in demand facilities, Foley unearths the the most important position of draft resisters in moving antiwar sentiment from the margins of society to the heart of yank politics. Their activities encouraged different draft-age males against the war--especially collage students--to re-evaluate their position of privilege in a draft procedure that provided them protections and despatched disproportionate numbers of working-class and minority males to Vietnam. This acceptance sparked the switch of strategies from felony protest to mass civil disobedience, drawing the Johnson management right into a war of words with activists who have been mostly suburban, liberal, younger, and heart class--the middle of Johnson's Democratic constituency. analyzing the day by day fight of antiwar organizing performed via usual american citizens on the neighborhood point, Foley argues for a extra complicated view of citizenship and patriotism in the course of a time of battle.

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The six followed the marchers to 28 to wa r d a move m e nt the Common, where they joined another group, numbering 300, the core of which were members of the conservative student group Young Americans for Freedom; they waited until the marchers settled in front of the bandstand and the speakers took their seats before making their move. This smaller crowd, made up largely of students who came from Boston University, Harvard, mit, Northeastern University, Boston College, and Emerson College, then pushed their way through the demonstrators until they positioned themselves directly in front of the platform.

He did not finish. Just then a gang of about seventy-five high school boys broke from the rest of the crowd and rushed up the steps. The eleven pacifists had little opportunity to brace themselves for the attack, and seven of them went down quickly. As the mob punched and kicked them, most of the victims tried to cover their faces; others, consistent with their training in nonviolence, went limp and fell to the steps as the youths stomped on their backs. Someone repeatedly slapped eighteenyear-old Suzanne Williams in the face.

John Phillips began to speak: ‘‘I am a pacifist,’’ he said. ‘‘I do what I believe as an individual. 20 to wa r d a move m e nt I believe in the law but when the law violates my conscience. . ’’ He did not finish. Just then a gang of about seventy-five high school boys broke from the rest of the crowd and rushed up the steps. The eleven pacifists had little opportunity to brace themselves for the attack, and seven of them went down quickly. As the mob punched and kicked them, most of the victims tried to cover their faces; others, consistent with their training in nonviolence, went limp and fell to the steps as the youths stomped on their backs.

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