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By Siobhan Harty, Michael Murphy

There was a lot debate over the past decade concerning the decline of the countryside and its implications for a chain of norms and relationships that govern our figuring out of household and foreign society. The booklet starts with the idea that it's necessary to conceive of latest varieties of citizenship that problem the iron hyperlink among nation, kingdom, territory and sovereignty, and that are consequently able to assembly the demanding situations awarded via household variety and transnational integration. The argument is for a sort of establishment citizenship that offers equivalent reputation to the citizenship regimes of country and substate countries via a democratic argument for self-determination on the substate point and a revised notion of kingdom sovereignty that's divided and shared.

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The concept of self-determination, which drives contemporary demands for differentiated citizenship, has some complex origins. In the next chapter, we return to inter-war Europe in order to consider the web of political events and ideas that shaped our understanding of citizenship and belonging into the post-war period. This is more than a history lesson; this is a consideration of how liberals CITIZENSHIP AND BELONGING 19 have grappled with the problem of minority nations and social integration over time.

Wilson’s own views on the nature of international society were made clear through a series of speeches he gave in 1918, the most prominent of which were the ‘Fourteen Points’, the ‘Four Principles’ and the ‘Five Particulars’. 4 The most important of Wilson’s ideas – that which would be of the greatest political significance – was ‘national self-determination’. It is difficult to overestimate the impact that his ideas had at the time and how they would transform our understanding of democracy and popular sovereignty.

On the other hand, these rights tended to operate more like guarantees – perhaps more in the tradition of religious tolerance than in what postwar liberals understand to constitute a right. Equality was interpreted as a ‘negative’ right; that is, protection against discrimination. Although positive rights were implicit in the concept of equality promoted by liberal statesmen, they were only weakly expressed. But in practice, states managed to avoid implementing the positive measures prescribed by the treaties by insisting on their own interpretation of their obligation to do so (Brubaker, 1996).

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