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By Dr Christopher Flood;Stephen Hutchings;Galina Miazhevich;Henri Nickels

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Conversely, the al-Qaeda Organization in the Islamic Maghreb (formerly Salafist Group for Preaching and Combat) carried out killings, kidnappings and bombings in Algeria from the early 2000s onwards and issued periodic threats to do the same in France. Bearing in mind that the Algerian civil war had spilled over into acts of terrorism in France in 1995–6, France had a strong interest in seeing security maintained within these states and exerted its influence to achieve that end. France’s focus on the Maghreb and the Middle East included Israeli– Palestinian relations, which were inescapably linked to the Global War on Terror because they were such a potent cause of resentment of the Western powers perceived to be condoning Israeli control of the Occupied Territories.

The available data suggests that, while immigration remained a sensitive issue throughout the 2000s, it was significantly less fraught than in Britain. Measured by a recurrent question in Eurobarometer surveys from 2003 to spring 2010, the average ranking of immigration among the 15 named national concerns was seventh as compared with Britain’s second. Other cross-national polls confirm lower levels of concern than in Britain. Majorities of French respondents, like their British counterparts, tended to overestimate the proportion of migrants in their national society.

The articulation of an overarching counterterrorism strategy dovetailed with a more holistic conception of national security elaborated a year earlier in a ‘New Chapter’ added to the Strategic Defence Review (Ministry of Defence, 2002) with the aim of incorporating counterterrorism both abroad and at home into a broad framework. Meanwhile, a number of terrorist conspiracies had been uncovered without reaching their culmination in 2003 and 2004, but the London suicide bombings of 7 July 2005 (subsequently known as 7/7) killed 52 people and injured some 700.

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