By Alan Gilbert, Ann Varley
This ground-breaking paintings employs survey information and in-depth interviews to assemble an in depth photo of landlords and tenants in constructing international locations. targeting Mexico the authors research the state's housing coverage, with its transparent bias in the direction of expanding domestic possession, and explores the probabilities of bettering the standard and extending the inventory of rented lodging within the constructing global.
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Additional info for Landlord and Tenant: Housing the Poor in Urban Mexico
Households were selected at random from a list of families identified in a previous household count. A handful of students from local universities were employed to assist in conducting interviews, with the average interview lasting some twenty minutes. Interviews were conducted with either the man or the woman householder and data were collected on the whole household since its formation. 4 Owner-occupiers were questioned about how they had managed to mobilise the funds to become owners and about the acquisition of their land and construction of their homes.
A critical dimension of the local housing situation is residential tenure. In Mexico, there was a major national shift from rental tenure to ownership in the period from 1940 until 1980. And yet, there were important variations in the local pace of change. In 1980, half of all homes in Puebla were rented or shared compared to one-fifth of all homes in Culiacán. Since most Mexicans say they aspire to home-ownership, this is a significant difference in local housing conditions. This chapter has attempted to shed light on some of the factors influencing local variations in residential tenure.
In Guadalajara and Puebla there has also been little in the way of land invasion (Logan, 1979:133; Castillo, 1986; Mele, 1986b:43). In the absence of free land, the principal alternatives have been the illegal subdivision of private land and the illegal purchase of ejido land (see Chapter Five). Both mechanisms have developed in many of the larger Mexican cities. In Mexico City, illegal subdivisions were the principal form of land occupation to the east of the city, at least until the 1970s (Gilbert and Ward, 1985).