By Keith D. McFarland
''Without query this is often an incredible new addition to international warfare II and chilly struggle historiography.... hugely recommended.'' -- Douglas Brinkley, writer of Dean Acheson: The chilly warfare Years and the incomplete Presidency: Jimmy Carter's trip past the White House
''A remarkably aim, but sympathetic, research of Louis Johnson's lifestyles and occupation. Now merely half-remembered,... Johnson was once a tremendous nationwide determine. colourful, competitive, independent-minded, egotistical, his robust perspectives and conflicts with Dean Acheson proved to be his undoing. All in all, a desirable tale.'' -- James R. Schlesinger, former Secretary of Defense
''McFarland and Roll have played a true carrier in rescuing from obscurity this Democratic mover and shaker. Their account of the increase and fall of Louis Johnson offers us with the fullest depiction but of an immense Washington determine hired for higher or worse as a blunt tool of coverage switch by way of either Franklin Roosevelt and Harry Truman.'' -- Alonzo L. Hamby, writer of guy of the folk: a lifetime of Harry S. Truman and For the Survival of Democracy: Franklin Roosevelt and the area main issue of the 1930s
''[Johnson's] occupation is a cautionary story of ways even the main ruthlessly powerful males can develop into pawns within the Washington energy video game. McFarland and Roll carry Johnson to existence during this thorough and well-told history.'' -- Evan Thomas, Newsweek, writer of Robert Kennedy: His existence and The absolute best males: The Early Years of the CIA
Louis Johnson was once FDR's Assistant Secretary of conflict and the architect of the economic mobilization plans that positioned the country on a warfare footing ahead of its access into global conflict II. Later, as Truman's Secretary of safety, Johnson used to be given the tough activity of unifying the militia and engaging in Truman's orders to dramatically lessen safety expenses. In either administrations, he was once requested to confront and perform super unpopular tasks -- large undertakings that every president believed have been very important to the nation's safeguard and monetary welfare. Johnson's conflicts with Henry Morganthau, Secretary of struggle Harry H. Woodring, Winston Churchill, Harry Hopkins, Dean Acheson, Averell Harriman, and Paul Nitze locate modern parallels within the fresh disagreements among the nationwide protection institution and the nation Department.
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Additional resources for Louis Johnson and the Arming of America: The Roosevelt and Truman Years
13 In spite of pressure from various quarters to name a new secretary, Roosevelt continued to procrastinate. Things were running smoothly at the War Department; Woodring was cautiously but competently carrying out the responsibilities of both secretary and assistant secretary. The president would have been content to let the situation ride, but he could not do so because Woodring was a recess appointment. Under the law, if Woodring was not approved by the Senate like feuding schoolboys 33 or a new nominee was not sent forward and con¤rmed by the end of the congressional session, the position would become vacant.
21 This claim is substantiated by Senator Neely (D-West Virginia), who maintained that Farley asked him to urge Johnson to accept the position. 23 Whether Johnson was actually promised the top spot will probably never be known for certain, but what is more important is that he acted as if the promise had been made. For the next three years, Johnson was to say on countless occasions that Farley, on Roosevelt’s behalf and with his knowledge, had promised him the secretaryship. As one reporter put it, “Almost in the same breath with which he took of¤ce .
At the convention Johnson was awarded the French Legion of Honor Medal, but the highlight of the Paris trip was the huge parade from the Arc de Triomphe down the Champs Elysées. 61 After the Paris convention, Colonel Johnson continued his rise within the American Legion organization. He was named West Virginia department judge advocate and chairman of the National Legislative Committee. Then, in September 1930, he was elected state commander of the 10,000-man West Virginia department. Many of the previous state commanders had viewed the of¤ce as primarily a ceremonial one, but not Louis Johnson.