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By Jan Herman Brinks, Stella Rock, Edward Timms

Does patriotic delight necessarily become nationalistic aggression? is that this exacerbated through the worldwide outreach of the media? and what's the connection among mainstream politics and more and more vocal far-right teams in Britain, the USA, Germany, and Russia? This e-book addresses those questions from numerous angles, exploring themes starting from the conflict on Terror to Holocaust denial, from the ""sanctity"" of Rasputin to the ""martyrdom"" of Rudolf Hess.

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Extra info for Nationalist Myths and Modern Media: Contested Identities in the Age of Globalisation (International Library of Political Studies)

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But, while bitterly critical of Christian Identity, the Church concurred with its view of The Protocols. It was, the Church’s founder claimed, ‘the most diabolic program’ for subjugation that had ever been conceived, the secret plan of the ‘Jewish insiders that rule the world’. Every white man and woman should study ‘this ferocious and deadly document . . 9 Such views were not universally held among American antisemites. A leading figure in the Klan of the 1980s, David Duke, was subsequently to build his own National Association for the Advancement of White People and was elected as a Republican state legislator in Louisiana.

17 The actual news produced under Communism was distinctive on at least two counts: its sense of newsworthiness and the language of its reportage. 18 Jonathan A. Becker, writing about the Soviet Union, comments on what he calls the ‘univocacy’ of Communist journalism: Words become so loaded with prescribed values that it is difficult for them to express ideas beyond accepted, official beliefs. Words to articulate criticism or to describe alternatives may simply not exist. . ’ 21 As a result, the main East German newspaper might publish a story ‘to praise a local pretzel factory that exceeded its production quota’ or run ‘no fewer than 48 flattering photographs of communist party chief Erich Honecker on the same day’.

This explains why the tenuous link between al-Qaida and Iraq was accepted as fact even though the purported link did not stand up to serious interrogation. After 9/11 policy came to be driven not only by ambition but also but also by fear and insecurity, which is a potent mixture. But there is a further explanation that is nearer the mark. It is clear that influential forces in the administration used genuine fears created by 9/11 to further a pre-existing agenda. This is a serious charge and may appear callous to the victims, but 9/11 did have the effect of identifying a clearly defined and tangible enemy.

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